Sonntag, 20. März 2011

US-President Obama’s Remarks to the People of Brazil

20 March 2011

President Obama’s Remarks to the People of Brazil

Office of the Press Secretary
March 20, 2011



Teatro Municipal
Rio de Janeiro
2:56 P.M. BRT

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Rio de Janeiro!


AUDIENCE MEMBER: Many welcomes!

THE PRESIDENT: Alo! Cidade! Maravilhoso! (Applause.) Boa tarde, todo o povo brasileiro. (Applause.)
Since the moment we arrived, the people of this nation have graciously shown my family the warmth and generosity of the Brazilian spirit. Obrigado. Thank you. (Applause.) And I want to give a special thanks to all of you for being here, because I've been told that there’s a Vasco football game coming. (Cheers and boos.) Botafogo –- (laughter.) So I know that -- I realize Brazilians don’t give up their soccer very easily. (Laughter.) 

Now, one of my earliest impressions of Brazil was a movie I saw with my mother as a very young child, a movie called Black Orpheus, that is set in the favelas of Rio during Carnival. And my mother loved that movie, with its singing and dancing against the backdrop of the beautiful green hills. And it first premiered as a play right here in Teatro Municipal. That's my understanding.

And my mother is gone now, but she would have never imagined that her son’s first trip to Brazil would be as President of the United States. She would have never imagined that. (Applause.) And I never imagined that this country would be even more beautiful than it was in the movie. You are, as Jorge Ben-Jor sang, “A tropical country, blessed by God, and beautiful by nature.” (Applause.)

I’ve seen that beauty in the cascading hillsides, in your endless miles of sand and ocean, and in the vibrant, diverse gatherings of brasileiros who have come here today.

And we have a wonderfully mixed group. We have Cariocas and Paulistas, Baianas, Mineiros. (Applause.) We’ve got men and women from the cities to the interior, and so many young people here who are the great future of this great nation.

Now, yesterday, I met with your wonderful new President, Dilma Rousseff, and talked about how we can strengthen the partnership between our governments. But today, I want to speak directly to the Brazilian people about how we can strengthen the friendship between our nations. I’ve come here to share some ideas because I want to speak of the values that we share, the hopes that we have in common, and the difference that we can make together.

When you think about it, the journeys of the United States of America and Brazil began in similar ways. Our lands are rich with God’s creation, home to ancient and indigenous peoples. From overseas, the Americas were discovered by men who sought a New World, and settled by pioneers who pushed westward, across vast frontiers. We became colonies claimed by distant crowns, but soon declared our independence. We then welcomed waves of immigrants to our shores, and eventually after a long struggle, we cleansed the stain of slavery from our land.

The United States was the first nation to recognize Brazil’s independence, and set up a diplomatic outpost in this country. The first head of state to visit the United States was the leader of Brazil, Dom Pedro II. In the Second World War, our brave men and women fought side-by-side for freedom. And after the war, both of our nations struggled to achieve the full blessings of liberty.

On the streets of the United States, men and women marched and bled and some died so that every citizen could enjoy the same freedoms and opportunities -– no matter what you looked like, no matter where you came from.

In Brazil, you fought against two decades of dictatorships for the same right to be heard -– the right to be free from fear, free from want. And yet, for years, democracy and development were slow to take hold, and millions suffered as a result.

But I come here today because those days have passed. Brazil today is a flourishing democracy -– a place where people are free to speak their mind and choose their leaders; where a poor kid from Pernambuco can rise from the floors of a copper factory to the highest office in Brazil.

Over the last decade, the progress made by the Brazilian people has inspired the world. More than half of this nation is now considered middle class. Millions have been lifted from poverty. For the first time, hope is returning to places where fear had long prevailed. I saw this today when I visited Cidade de Deus -– the City of God. (Applause.)

It isn’t just the new security efforts and social programs -- and I want to congratulate the mayor and the governor for the excellent work that they’re doing. (Applause.) But it’s also a change in attitudes. As one young resident said, “People have to look at favelas not with pity, but as a source of presidents and lawyers and doctors, artists, [and] people with solutions.” (Applause.)

With each passing day, Brazil is a country with more solutions. In the global community, you’ve gone from relying on the help of other nations, to now helping fight poverty and disease wherever they exist. You play an important role in the global institutions that protect our common security and promote our common prosperity. And you will welcome the world to your shores when the World Cup and the Olympic games come to Rio de Janeiro. (Applause.)

Now, you may be aware that this city was not my first choice for the Summer Olympics. (Laughter.) But if the games could not be held in Chicago, then there’s no place I’d rather see them than right here in Rio. And I intend to come back in 2016 to watch what happens. (Applause.)

For so long, Brazil was a nation brimming with potential but held back by politics, both at home and abroad. For so long, you were called a country of the future, told to wait for a better day that was always just around the corner.

Meus amigos, that day has finally come. And this is a country of the future no more. The people of Brazil should know that the future has arrived. It is here now. And it’s time to seize it. (Applause.)

Now, our countries have not always agreed on everything. And just like many nations, we’re going to have our differences of opinion going forward. But I’m here to tell you that the American people don’t just recognize Brazil’s success -– we root for Brazil’s success. As you confront the many challenges you still face at home as well as abroad, let us stand together -– not as senior and junior partners, but as equal partners, joined in a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect, committed to the progress that I know that we can make together. (Applause.) I'm confident we can do it. (Applause.)

Together we can advance our common prosperity. As two of the world’s largest economies, we worked side by side during the financial crisis to restore growth and confidence. And to keep our economies growing, we know what’s necessary in both of our nations. We need a skilled, educated workforce -- which is why American and Brazilian companies have pledged to help increase student exchanges between our two nations.
We need a commitment to innovation and technology -- which is why we've agreed to expand cooperation between our scientists, researchers, and engineers.

We need world-class infrastructure -- which is why American companies want to help you build and prepare this city for Olympic success.

In a global economy, the United States and Brazil should expand trade, expand investment, so that we create new jobs and new opportunities in both of our nations. And that's why we're working to break down barriers to doing business. That's why we're building closer relationships between our workers and our entrepreneurs.
Together we can also promote energy security and protect our beautiful planet. As two nations that are committed to greener economies, we know that the ultimate solution to our energy challenges lies in clean and renewable power. And that’s why half the vehicles in this country can run on biofuels, and most of your electricity comes from hydropower. That’s also why, in the United States, we’ve jumpstarted a new clean energy industry. And that’s why the United States and Brazil are creating new energy partnerships -- to share technologies, create new jobs, and leave our children a world that is cleaner and safer than we found it. (Applause.)

Together, our two nations can also help defend our citizens’ security. We’re working together to stop narco-trafficking that has destroyed too many lives in this hemisphere. We seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. We’re working together to enhance nuclear security across our hemisphere. From Africa to Haiti, we are working side by side to combat the hunger, disease, and corruption that can rot a society and rob human beings of dignity and opportunity. (Applause.) And as two countries that have been greatly enriched by our African heritage, it’s absolutely vital that we are working with the continent of Africa to help lift it up. That is something that we should be committed to doing together. (Applause.)

Today, we’re both also delivering assistance and support to the Japanese people at their greatest hour of need. The ties that bind our nations to Japan are strong. In Brazil, you are home to the largest Japanese population outside of Japan. In the United States, we forged an alliance of more than 60 years. The people of Japan are some of our closest friends, and we will pray with them, and stand with them, and rebuild with them until this crisis has passed. (Applause.)

In these and other efforts to promote peace and prosperity throughout the world, the United States and Brazil are partners not just because we share history, not just because we’re in the same hemisphere; not just because we share ties of commerce and culture, but also because we share certain enduring values and ideals.
We both believe in the power and promise of democracy. We believe that no other form of government is more effective at promoting growth and prosperity that reaches every human being -- not just some but all. And those who argue otherwise, those who argue that democracy stands in the way of economic progress, they must contend with the example of Brazil.

The millions in this country who have climbed from poverty into the middle class, they could not do so in a closed economy controlled by the state. You’re prospering as a free people with open markets and a government that answers to its citizens. You’re proving that the goal of social justice and social inclusion can be best achieved through freedom -– that democracy is the greatest partner of human progress. (Applause.)
We also believe that in nations as big and diverse as ours, shaped by generations of immigrants from every race and faith and background, democracy offers the best hope that every citizen is treated with dignity and respect, and that we can resolve our differences peacefully, that we find strength in our diversity.

We know that experience in the United States. We know how important it is to be able to work together -- even when we often disagree. I understand that our chosen form of government can be slow and messy. We understand that democracy must be constantly strengthened and perfected over time. We know that different nations take different paths to realize the promise of democracy. And we understand that no one nation should impose its will on another.

But we also know that there’s certain aspirations shared by every human being: We all seek to be free. We all seek to be heard. We all yearn to live without fear or discrimination. We all yearn to choose how we are governed. And we all want to shape our own destiny. These are not American ideals or Brazilian ideals. These are not Western ideals. These are universal rights, and we must support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Today, we are seeing the struggle for these rights unfold across the Middle East and North Africa. We’ve seen a revolution born out of a yearning for basic human dignity in Tunisia. We’ve seen peaceful protestors pour into Tahrir Square -– men and women, young and old, Christian and Muslim. We’ve seen the people of Libya take a courageous stand against a regime determined to brutalize its own citizens. Across the region, we’ve seen young people rise up -– a new generation demanding the right to determine their own future.
From the beginning, we have made clear that the change they seek must be driven by their own people. But for our two nations, for the United States and Brazil, two nations who have struggled over many generations to perfect our own democracies, the United States and Brazil know that the future of the Arab World will be determined by its people.

No one can say for certain how this change will end, but I do know that change is not something that we should fear. When young people insist that the currents of history are on the move, the burdens of the past can be washed away. When men and women peacefully claim their human rights, our own common humanity is enhanced. Wherever the light of freedom is lit, the world becomes a brighter place.

That is the example of Brazil. That is the example of Brazil. (Applause.) Brazil -– a country that shows that a dictatorship can become a thriving democracy. Brazil -– a country that shows democracy delivers both freedom and opportunity to its people. Brazil -- a country that shows how a call for change that starts in the streets can transform a city, transform a country, transform a world.

Decades ago, it was directly outside of this theater, in Cinelandia Square, where the call for change was heard in Brazil. Students and artists and political leaders of all stripes would gather with banners that said, “Down with the dictatorship. The people in power.” Their democratic aspirations would not be fulfilled until years later, but one of the young Brazilians in that generation’s movement would go on to forever change the history of this country.

A child of an immigrant, her participation in the movement led to her arrest and her imprisonment, her torture at the hands of her own government. And so she knows what it’s like to live without the most basic human rights that so many are fighting for today. But she also knows what it is to persevere. She knows what it is to overcome -- because today that woman is your nation’s president, Dilma Rousseff. (Applause.)

Our two nations face many challenges. On the road ahead, we will certainly encounter many obstacles. But in the end, it is our history that gives us hope for a better tomorrow. It is the knowledge that the men and women who came before us have triumphed over greater trials than these -– that we live in places where ordinary people have done extraordinary things.

It’s that sense of possibility, that sense of optimism that first drew pioneers to this New World. It’s what binds our nations together as partners in this new century. It’s why we believe, in the words of Paul Coelho, one of your most famous writers, “With the strength of our love and our will, we can change our destiny, as well as the destiny of many others.”

Muito obrigado. Thank you. And may God bless our two nations. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END 3:17 P.M. BRT
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site:

Samstag, 19. März 2011

Weekly Address: American Jobs Through Exports to Latin America

Remarks by the US-President Obama on the Situation in Libya | The White House

The White House
Office of the Press Secretary

East Room

2:22 P.M. EDT

THE US-PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon, everybody.

I want to take this opportunity to update the American people about the situation in Libya.

Over the last several weeks, the world has watched events unfold in Libya with hope and alarm.

Last month, protesters took to the streets across the country to demand their universal rights, and a government that is accountable to them and responsive to their aspirations. But they were met with an iron fist.

Within days, whole parts of the country declared their independence from a brutal regime, and members of the government serving in Libya and abroad chose to align themselves with the forces of change.

Moammar Qaddafi clearly lost the confidence of his own people and the legitimacy to lead.

Instead of respecting the rights of his own people, Qaddafi chose the path of brutal suppression. Innocent civilians were beaten, imprisoned, and in some cases killed. Peaceful protests were forcefully put down. Hospitals were attacked and patients disappeared. A campaign of intimidation and repression began.

In the face of this injustice, the United States and the international community moved swiftly. Sanctions were put in place by the United States and our allies and partners. The U.N. Security Council imposed further sanctions, an arms embargo, and the specter of international accountability for Qaddafi and those around him.

Humanitarian assistance was positioned on Libya’s borders, and those displaced by the violence received our help. Ample warning was given that Qaddafi needed to stop his campaign of repression, or be held accountable. The Arab League and the European Union joined us in calling for an end to violence.

Once again, Qaddafi chose to ignore the will of his people and the international community. Instead, he launched a military campaign against his own people. And there should be no doubt about his intentions, because he himself has made them clear.

For decades, he has demonstrated a willingness to use brute force through his sponsorship of terrorism against the American people as well as others, and through the killings that he has carried out within his own borders. And just yesterday, speaking of the city of Benghazi -- a city of roughly 700,000 people -- he threatened, and I quote: “We will have no mercy and no pity” -- no mercy on his own citizens.

Now, here is why this matters to us. Left unchecked, we have every reason to believe that Qaddafi would commit atrocities against his people. Many thousands could die. A humanitarian crisis would ensue. The entire region could be destabilized, endangering many of our allies and partners.

The calls of the Libyan people for help would go unanswered. The democratic values that we stand for would be overrun. Moreover, the words of the international community would be rendered hollow.

And that’s why the United States has worked with our allies and partners to shape a strong international response at the United Nations. Our focus has been clear: protecting innocent civilians within Libya, and holding the Qaddafi regime accountable.

Yesterday, in response to a call for action by the Libyan people and the Arab League, the U.N. Security Council passed a strong resolution that demands an end to the violence against citizens.

It authorizes the use of force with an explicit commitment to pursue all necessary measures to stop the killing, to include the enforcement of a no-fly zone over Libya. It also strengthens our sanctions and the enforcement of an arms embargo against the Qaddafi regime.

Now, once more, Moammar Qaddafi has a choice.

The resolution that passed lays out very clear conditions that must be met. The United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Arab states agree that a cease-fire must be implemented immediately.

That means all attacks against civilians must stop. Qaddafi must stop his troops from advancing on Benghazi, pull them back from Ajdabiya, Misrata, and Zawiya, and establish water, electricity and gas supplies to all areas. Humanitarian assistance must be allowed to reach the people of Libya.

Let me be clear, these terms are not negotiable. These terms are not subject to negotiation. If Qaddafi does not comply with the resolution, the international community will impose consequences, and the resolution will be enforced through military action.

In this effort, the United States is prepared to act as part of an international coalition. American leadership is essential, but that does not mean acting alone -– it means shaping the conditions for the international community to act together.

That’s why I have directed Secretary Gates and our military to coordinate their planning, and tomorrow Secretary Clinton will travel to Paris for a meeting with our European allies and Arab partners about the enforcement of Resolution 1973.

We will provide the unique capabilities that we can bring to bear to stop the violence against civilians, including enabling our European allies and Arab partners to effectively enforce a no fly zone.

I have no doubt that the men and women of our military are capable of carrying out this mission. Once more, they have the thanks of a grateful nation and the admiration of the world.

I also want to be clear about what we will not be doing. The United States is not going to deploy ground troops into Libya. And we are not going to use force to go beyond a well-defined goal -- specifically, the protection of civilians in Libya.

In the coming weeks, we will continue to help the Libyan people with humanitarian and economic assistance so that they can fulfill their aspirations peacefully.

Now, the United States did not seek this outcome. Our decisions have been driven by Qaddafi’s refusal to respect the rights of his people, and the potential for mass murder of innocent civilians. It is not an action that we will pursue alone.

Indeed, our British and French allies, and members of the Arab League, have already committed to take a leadership role in the enforcement of this resolution, just as they were instrumental in pursuing it. We are coordinating closely with them. And this is precisely how the international community should work, as more nations bear both the responsibility and the cost of enforcing international law.

This is just one more chapter in the change that is unfolding across the Middle East and North Africa. From the beginning of these protests, we have made it clear that we are opposed to violence.

We have made clear our support for a set of universal values, and our support for the political and economic change that the people of the region deserve.

But I want to be clear: the change in the region will not and cannot be imposed by the United States or any foreign power; ultimately, it will be driven by the people of the Arab World. It is their right and their responsibility to determine their own destiny.

Let me close by saying that there is no decision I face as your Commander in Chief that I consider as carefully as the decision to ask our men and women to use military force. Particularly at a time when our military is fighting in Afghanistan and winding down our activities in Iraq, that decision is only made more difficult.

But the United States of America will not stand idly by in the face of actions that undermine global peace and security. So I have taken this decision with the confidence that action is necessary, and that we will not be acting alone. Our goal is focused, our cause is just, and our coalition is strong. Thank you very much.


2:31 P.M. EDT

Donnerstag, 10. März 2011

CDU-Chefin Angela Merkel: "2011 wird ein ganz entscheidendes Jahr für die CDU"

Politischer Aschermittwoch der CDU

CDU-Vorsitzende Dr. Angela Merkel: "2011 wird ein ganz entscheidendes Jahr für die CDU"

Die Landtagswahl in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern stand im Mittelpunkt der Rede von Bundeskanzlerin Merkel auf dem diesjährigen politischen Aschermittwoch in Demmin. 
Am 4. September 2011 gehe es um die Frage, wie Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in Zukunft regiert werde. 
Daher sei 2011 "ein ganz entscheidendes Jahr für die CDU hier im Lande", so  die deutsche Bundeskanzlerin und CDU-Cehfin Dr. Angela Merkel. 
Zwar gebe es immer noch unterschiedliche Situationen in den alten und neuen Bundesländern. Der Verdienst der CDU sei es aber, viele Ungerechtigkeiten beseitigt zu haben, so Angela Merkel.

Mit Blick auf den Rücktritt des Bundesverteidigungsministers Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg hat die CDU-Cehfin und deutsche Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel die scharfe Kritik der Opposition am Umgang der Union mit der Plagiatsaffäre scharf kritisiert. 
Guttenberg habe "schwere Fehler gemacht, keine Frage", sagte sie. Dafür sei er seinen Doktortitel losgeworden und sehe sich mit der Staatsanwaltschaft konfrontiert. 

"Aber wir, die Christlich-Demokratische Union, müssen uns von Herrn Gysi, Herrn Trittin und Herrn Gabriel wirklich nicht belehren lassen, wenn es um Anstand und Ehrlichkeit in der Politik geht", rief die CDU-Chefin und deutsche Bundeskanzlerin Dr. Angela Merkel in den Beifall der über 1000 CDU-Anhänger in Demmin.

Darüber hinaus kritisierte die deutsche Bundeskanzlerin und CDU-Chefin Dr. Angela Merkel in ihrer Rede die Rolle der Grünen. 

"Bei denen ist es einfach: Im Zweifelsfall sind sie dagegen", sagte die CDU-Chefin und deutsche Bundeskanzlerin Dr. Merkel, die im Juni 2011 in Washington von US-Präsident Barack Obama  im Rahmen einer Zeromonie die "Medal of Freedom"  (höchste Auszeichnung der USA) persönlich überreicht bekommt, mit Blick auf die ständige Blockadehaltung der Grünen bei wichtigen Zukunftsprojekten. 
Wenn alles fertig sei, "dann sind sie natürlich dafür". Aber auf dem Weg dahin duckten sich die Grünen weg, "und mit sowas kann man keine Zukunft Gestalten", meinte  die CDU-Chefin Dr. Merkel und nannte als Beispiele das Bahnhofsprojekt "Stuttgart 21" oder den Ausbau der erneuerbaren Energien.

Toastmaster International - Munich Media Speakers: Home

Toastmaster International - Munich Media Speakers: Home

  • Rüdiger Kohl
    Innovationsprofi, pfiffiger Redner, Innovations-Workshops
  • Referenten + Moderatoren
    Wählen Sie aus der großen Redner-Datenbank aus!
  • Catering für Messen
    Ob Gesamtkonzept samt Realisierung oder Spezial-Catering. Alles geht!